Não, eu não vou falar da Dilma. Não preciso
falar sobre o que se pode ler em tantos comentaristas políticos. Costumo dizer
que os problemas brasileiros podem ser vistos em outros lugares do mundo (às
vezes em menor e às vezes em maior grau) e a estupidez de quem lidera um país é
uma variável presente em inúmeros países. Mas por vezes o nível da estupidez assusta, como é o caso de Obama,
o presidente do país mais rico do planeta. Será que a estupidez da Dilma é de maior grau que a do Obama?
Bret Stephens escreveu um excelente artigo no Wall Street Journal sobre a estupidez de Obama. O artigo não é
aberto ao público, vou colocar aqui apenas partes do texto.
Não, eu não vou falar da Dilma. Não preciso
falar sobre o que se pode ler em tantos comentaristas políticos. Costumo dizer
que os problemas brasileiros podem ser vistos em outros lugares do mundo (às
vezes em menor e às vezes em maior grau) e a estupidez de quem lidera um país é
uma variável presente em inúmeros países. Mas por vezes o nível da estupidez assusta, como é o caso de Obama,
o presidente do país mais rico do planeta. Será que a estupidez da Dilma é de maior grau que a do Obama?
Bret Stephens escreveu um excelente artigo no Wall Street Journal sobre a estupidez de Obama. O artigo não é
aberto ao público, vou colocar aqui apenas partes do texto.
What Obama Knows
Every president gets things wrong. What sets Obama apart is his ideological rigidity and fathomless ignorance.
By BRET STEPHENS
Serious people feel an obligation to listen whenever Barack Obama speaks.
They furrow their brow and hold their chin and parse every word. They assume
that most everything a president says is significant, which is true. They
assume that what's significant must also be well-informed. Not necessarily.
I've been
thinking about this as it becomes clear that, even at an elementary level, Mr.
Obama often doesn't know what he's talking about. It isn't so much his analysis
of global events that's wrong, though it is. The deeper problem is the
foundation of knowledge on which that analysis is built.
Here, for instance, is Mr. Obama answering a question posed in August by New York
Times columnist Tom
Friedman, who wanted the president's thoughts on the new global disorder.
"You
can't generalize across the globe," the president replied. "Because
there are a bunch of places where good news keeps on coming. Asia continues to
grow . . . and not only is it growing but you're starting to see democracies in
places like Indonesia solidifying."
"The trend
lines in Latin America are good," he added. "Overall, there's still
cause for optimism."
Here, now, is reality: In Japan, the economy is contracting. China's
real-estate market is a bubble waiting to burst. Indonesia's democracy may be
solidifying, but so is Islamism and the persecution of religious minorities.
Democracy has been overthrown in Thailand. The march toward freedom in
Burma—supposedly one of Mr. Obama's (and Hillary Clinton's )
signature diplomatic victories—has stalled. India may do better than before
under its new prime minister, Narendra Modi, but gone are the days when serious
people think of India as a future superpower. The government of Pakistan is, as
ever, on the verge of collapse.
As for Latin
America, Argentina just defaulted for the second time in 13 years. Brazil is in
recession. Venezuela is a brutal dictatorship. Ecuador is well on its way to
becoming one.
I begin with
these examples not because there aren't bright spots in Asia (South Korea is
one) or Latin America (Colombia is another) but because it's so typically
Obama. Warn against generalization—and then generalize. Cite an example—but one
that isn't representative. Talk about a trend line—but get the direction of the
trend wrong.
---
Keep going
around the world. He declared victory over al Qaeda and dismissed groups such
as ISIS as "the jayvee team" at the very moment that al Qaeda was
roaring back. He mocked the notion of Russia being our enemy—remember the line
about the 1980s wanting "its foreign policy back"?—just as Russia was
again becoming our enemy.
He predicted
in 2012 that "Assad's days are numbered" just as the Syrian dictator
was turning the tide of war in his favor. He defended last November's nuclear
deal with Tehran, saying "it's not going to be hard for us to turn the
dials back or strengthen sanctions even further" in the event that
diplomacy failed. In reality, as the Foundation for Defense of Democracies
notes, "burgeoning trade ties with Turkey, increased oil sales to China,
and reports of multibillion-dollar Russian-Iranian trade deals, not yet
consummated but in the offing, are giving [Iran] a 'Plan B' escape hatch."
Every
administration tries to spin events its way; every president gets things wrong.
Mr. Obama is not exceptional in those respects. Where he stands apart is in his
combination of ideological rigidity and fathomless ignorance. What does the
president know? The simple answer, and maybe the truest, is: not a lot.
Serious people feel an obligation to listen whenever Barack Obama speaks. They furrow their brow and hold their chin and parse every word. They assume that most everything a president says is significant, which is true. They assume that what's significant must also be well-informed. Not necessarily.
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