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Gostei muito deste texto de Anthony Esolen publicado na Crisis Magazine:
Catholic Social Teaching: It’s Time to End the Misrepresentations
Imagine
someone appealing to Lord Baden-Powell, founder of the Boy Scouts, to
justify the activities of gangs in Los Angeles. Why not? Lord
Baden-Powell wanted boys to do risky things, and what’s more dangerous
than running guns or smuggling cocaine or fighting another gang in a
shooting spree? He enjoined upon the Scouts a stern code of honor and
loyalty, and who is more loyal than a new recruit for the Crips? Who is
more willing to shed his blood for the honor of the gang?
Imagine someone appealing to Michelangelo to justify porn. Why not?
Michelangelo painted nudes all over the Sistine Chapel, and Hustler and
Penthouse are full of nudes. Michelangelo endured the disgruntlement
of the prudish, so that the figures in his Last Judgment were later
provided with discreet veils and tunics and loincloths. And aren’t
Hustler and Penthouse stuck underneath the counter at convenience
stores? Michelangelo admired the sculpture of ancient Greece; those
ancient Greeks, for their part, traded in vases depicting acts of
pedophilia. So why should a busy stockbroker in a hotel not be allowed
to relax in front of a television, watching whatever delights his
sophisticated tastes?
Imagine someone appealing to Florence Nightingale to justify
doctor-dosed suicide. She wanted to relieve suffering, didn’t she?
Imagine someone appealing to Saint Francis of Assisi to justify looting
for fun and profit. His heart was with the poor, no? Imagine someone
appealing to Saint Catherine of Siena to justify the modern feminist.
Why, Saint Catherine dared to rebuke cardinals and popes!
Imagine a lawyer returning his fee when he loses a case; imagine a
television pundit suddenly admitting that he doesn’t know what he is
talking about; imagine a Hollywood starlet speaking English; imagine the
Cubs winning the World Series; imagine anything most absurd, and you
have not yet approached the absurdity of those who claim that Catholic
Social Teaching implies the existence of a vast welfare state,
bureaucratically organized, unanswerable to the people, undermining
families, rewarding lust and sloth and envy, acknowledging no virtue,
providing no personal care, punishing women who take care of their
children at home, whisking the same children away from parental
supervision and into schools designed to separate them from their
parents’ views of the world, and, for all that, keeping whole segments
of the population mired in a cycle of dysfunction, moral squalor, and
poverty, while purchasing their votes with money squeezed by force from
their neighbors.
I’m sick of it. I’m sick of hearing that Catholic teaching regarding
sex and marriage is one thing, in that old-fashioned trinket box over
there, while Catholic teaching regarding stewardship and our duties to
the poor is another thing, on that marble pedestal over here. I’m sick
of hearing that Catholic teaching regarding the Church and her authority
is one thing, the embarrassing Latinate red-edged tome tucked away in
that closet, while Catholic teaching regarding the laity is another, and
pass that bread this way! No, it is all of a piece. What the Church
says about divorce is inextricable from what she says about the poor.
What she says about the presence of Christ in the Eucharist is
inextricable from what she says about the respects in which all men are
created equal—and the many respects in which she insists upon a salutary
inequality. When we fail to see the integrity of the faith, not only
do certain truths escape our notice; the rest, the truths we think we
see, grow monstrous, like cancers, and work to destroy the flesh they
once seemed to replace.
Pope Leo XIII is credited as being the founder of Catholic Social
Teaching. He would have been appalled by the credit. He intended
nothing other than to apply to current concerns what Jesus taught his
apostles and what they handed down to their successors. His thoughts
prescind not from the nature of the spanking new modern state, nor from
social advances sometimes more apparent than real, but from the
changeless nature of man, discoverable both by reason and by humble
attention to the revealed word of God. Leo never supposed that one
could devise any Social Teaching without understanding what a society is
to begin with, which requires that we understand what human beings are,
and why they are—for what end God made them, male and female,
in His image and likeness. Leo surveys the world from the mountaintop
of the faith—not from the mercurial ingenuity of a vain scholar, or the
meddlesome pride of an innovator.
In this series, I shall discuss exactly what Pope Leo XIII had to
say, when the name of “socialism” first burst upon the ear, and apply it
to current controversies and miseries. His words sting like the first
antiseptics, carbolic acid and iodine. They sting, but they cleanse.
Or perhaps we should prefer to lay honey to our wounds?
Let’s begin at the beginning, with Inscrutabili (1878).
Here Leo inveighs against a radical secularism which seeks, by calumny,
to bring the Church of God into odium, resulting in laws that obstruct
bishops in their duties, and confiscate “property that was once the
support of the Church’s ministers and of the poor.” That confiscation
detaches “public institutions, vowed to charity and benevolence, … from
the wholesome control of the Church.” Leo sees the connection between
this seizure and a spreading amoralism among the young, whose education
is also removed from the Church’s purview.
Note that well. It is a gross violation of the Church’s Social Teaching, to wrest her schools from her direction. Do you hear, Catholics of Ontario? It
is a gross violation of the Church’s Social Teaching, to demand that
she cooperate in the State’s evil of the day if she is to continue to
exercise charity for the poor and the orphaned. Are you listening, Catholics of Massachusetts? It
is a gross violation of the Church’s Social Teaching, to suborn her
institutions to assist the state in perverting the natural law, severing
sex from marriage and snuffing out the life of the newly conceived.
Do you understand that principle, Americans first and nominal Catholics
later? The Church claims her liberty. Deny her that liberty, and you
will soon find the chains chafing your own wrists. Begin as nominally
Catholic, end as nominally free.
Don’t suppose that the Pope is merely grumbling. He knows that one
cannot build anything upon the secularist sands: “It is perfectly clear
and evident, Venerable Brothers, that the very notion of a civilization
is a fiction of the brain if it rest not on the abiding principles of
truth and the unchanging laws of virtue and justice, and if unfeigned
love knit not together the wills of men, and gently control the
interchange and the character of their mutual service.”
Let’s pause a moment, catch our breath, and think hard about what
he’s just said. Catholics often hear that we intend to “impose our
morality” upon our neighbors, and that this can’t be done in a truly
free, that is to say thoroughly secular society. Set aside the plain
fact that all law imposes a moral vision, though it is seldom consistent
or adequate, and it is sometimes perverse. The fact is, morality
admits no peculiar possessives. If a morality is only mine, it isn’t
morality but meaningless predilection. Either a moral law exists,
applying to everyone at all times, or it doesn’t. If it doesn’t, there
is no moral reason to prefer civilization to savagery; the
latter can be a lot more fun. But we won’t have that choice anyway,
because we will lose civilization itself. What we now call “civilization” and “culture,” Pope Leo calls “a fiction of the brain,” a vain idea, when the reality is gone.
That loss of morality understood as what we receive, not what we
create; not what shackles us, but what sets us free to realize our human
potential, implies already the loss of “unfeigned love” which should
knit together “the wills of men, and gently control the interchange and
the character of their mutual service.” We must insist upon this
connection. I cannot give amoral love. But human beings need love;
they need the love that brings them deeper into the truth.
An unmarried friend of mine is with child. That’s not good. But the
child needs love, and the mother and father need to return to a world
of moral law—the real world, not the fantasy islands of hedonism. They
too need love. That’s where the Church and the faithful Christian come
in. So we do, if we’re given half a chance! It is calumny to say that
we care only about fetuses and not about families. But the secular
state cares for neither. The secular state is an amoral cash extractor
and dispenser. If the mother repeats the wrong, more money comes. If
she and the father try to right the wrong by marrying, they risk losing
the money. She can leave the child fatherless and, most of the day,
motherless by going to work, and the state will pay. None of this is
oriented towards virtue. Therefore none of it is really social; no more
than rust is steel.
Does Catholic Social Teaching mandate such a thing? Do architects build with rust?
Entitled "The
Chicago Plan Revisited", it revives the scheme first put
forward by professors Henry Simons and Irving Fisher in 1936 during the
ferment of creative thinking in the late Depression.
Irving Fisher thought credit cycles led to an unhealthy concentration of wealth. He saw it with his own eyes in the early 1930s as creditors foreclosed on destitute farmers, seizing their land or buying it for a pittance at the bottom of the cycle.
The farmers found a way of defending themselves in the end. They muscled together at "one dollar auctions", buying each other's property back for almost nothing. Any carpet-bagger who tried to bid higher was beaten to a pulp.
Benes and Kumhof argue that credit-cycle trauma - caused by private money creation - dates deep into history and lies at the root of debt jubilees in the ancient religions of Mesopotian and the Middle East.
Harvest cycles led to systemic defaults thousands of years ago, with forfeiture of collateral, and concentration of wealth in the hands of lenders. These episodes were not just caused by weather, as long thought. They were amplified by the effects of credit.
The Athenian leader Solon implemented the first known Chicago Plan/New Deal in 599 BC to relieve farmers in hock to oligarchs enjoying private coinage. He cancelled debts, restituted lands seized by creditors, set floor-prices for commodities (much like Franklin Roosevelt), and consciously flooded the money supply with state-issued "debt-free" coinage.
The Romans sent a delegation to study Solon's reforms 150 years later and copied the ideas, setting up their own fiat money system under Lex Aternia in 454 BC.
It is a myth - innocently propagated by the great Adam Smith - that money developed as a commodity-based or gold-linked means of exchange. Gold was always highly valued, but that is another story. Metal-lovers often conflate the two issues.
Anthropological studies show that social fiat currencies began with the dawn of time. The Spartans banned gold coins, replacing them with iron disks of little intrinsic value. The early Romans used bronze tablets. Their worth was entirely determined by law - a doctrine made explicit by Aristotle in his Ethics - like the dollar, the euro, or sterling today.
Some argue that Rome began to lose its solidarity spirit when it allowed an oligarchy to develop a private silver-based coinage during the Punic Wars. Money slipped control of the Senate. You could call it Rome's shadow banking system. Evidence suggests that it became a machine for elite wealth accumulation.
Unchallenged sovereign or Papal control over currencies persisted through the Middle Ages until England broke the mould in 1666. Benes and Kumhof say this was the start of the boom-bust era.
One might equally say that this opened the way to England's agricultural revolution in the early 18th Century, the industrial revolution soon after, and the greatest economic and technological leap ever seen. But let us not quibble.
The original authors of the Chicago Plan were responding to the Great Depression. They believed it was possible to prevent the social havoc caused by wild swings from boom to bust, and to do so without crimping economic dynamism.
The benign side-effect of their proposals would be a switch from national debt to national surplus, as if by magic. "Because under the Chicago Plan banks have to borrow reserves from the treasury to fully back liabilities, the government acquires a very large asset vis-à-vis banks. Our analysis finds that the government is left with a much lower, in fact negative, net debt burden."
The IMF paper says total liabilities of the US financial system - including shadow banking - are about 200pc of GDP. The new reserve rule would create a windfall. This would be used for a "potentially a very large, buy-back of private debt", perhaps 100pc of GDP.
While Washington would issue much more fiat money, this would not be redeemable. It would be an equity of the commonwealth, not debt.
The key of the Chicago Plan was to separate the "monetary and credit functions" of the banking system. "The quantity of money and the quantity of credit would become completely independent of each other."
Private lenders would no longer be able to create new deposits "ex nihilo". New bank credit would have to be financed by retained earnings.
"The control of credit growth would become much more straightforward because banks would no longer be able, as they are today, to generate their own funding, deposits, in the act of lending, an extraordinary privilege that is not enjoyed by any other type of business," says the IMF paper.
"Rather, banks would become what many erroneously believe them to be today, pure intermediaries that depend on obtaining outside funding before being able to lend."
The US Federal Reserve would take real control over the money supply for the first time, making it easier to manage inflation. It was precisely for this reason that Milton Friedman called for 100pc reserve backing in 1967. Even the great free marketeer implicitly favoured a clamp-down on private money.
The switch would engender a 10pc boost to long-arm economic output. "None of these benefits come at the expense of diminishing the core useful functions of a private financial system."
Simons and Fisher were flying blind in the 1930s. They lacked the modern instruments needed to crunch the numbers, so the IMF team has now done it for them -- using the `DSGE' stochastic model now de rigueur in high economics, loved and hated in equal measure.
The finding is startling. Simons and Fisher understated their claims. It is perhaps possible to confront the banking plutocracy head without endangering the economy.
Benes and Kumhof make large claims. They leave me baffled, to be honest. Readers who want the technical details can make their own judgement by studying the text here.
The IMF duo have supporters. Professor Richard Werner from Southampton University - who coined the term quantitative easing (QE) in the 1990s -- testified to Britain's Vickers Commission that a switch to state-money would have major welfare gains. He was backed by the campaign group Positive Money and the New Economics Foundation.
The theory also has strong critics. Tim Congdon from International Monetary Research says banks are in a sense already being forced to increase reserves by EU rules, Basel III rules, and gold-plated variants in the UK. The effect has been to choke lending to the private sector.
He argues that is the chief reason why the world economy remains stuck in near-slump, and why central banks are having to cushion the shock with QE.
"If you enacted this plan, it would devastate bank profits and cause a massive deflationary disaster. There would have to do `QE squared' to offset it," he said.
The result would be a huge shift in bank balance sheets from private lending to government securities. This happened during World War Two, but that was the anomalous cost of defeating Fascism.
To do this on a permanent basis in peace-time would be to change in the nature of western capitalism. "People wouldn't be able to get money from banks. There would be huge damage to the efficiency of the economy," he said.
Arguably, it would smother freedom and enthrone a Leviathan state. It might be even more irksome in the long run than rule by bankers.
Personally, I am a long way from reaching an conclusion in this extraordinary debate. Let it run, and let us all fight until we flush out the arguments.
One thing is sure. The City of London will have great trouble earning its keep if any variant of the Chicago Plan ever gains wide support.
Irving Fisher thought credit cycles led to an unhealthy concentration of wealth. He saw it with his own eyes in the early 1930s as creditors foreclosed on destitute farmers, seizing their land or buying it for a pittance at the bottom of the cycle.
The farmers found a way of defending themselves in the end. They muscled together at "one dollar auctions", buying each other's property back for almost nothing. Any carpet-bagger who tried to bid higher was beaten to a pulp.
Benes and Kumhof argue that credit-cycle trauma - caused by private money creation - dates deep into history and lies at the root of debt jubilees in the ancient religions of Mesopotian and the Middle East.
Harvest cycles led to systemic defaults thousands of years ago, with forfeiture of collateral, and concentration of wealth in the hands of lenders. These episodes were not just caused by weather, as long thought. They were amplified by the effects of credit.
The Athenian leader Solon implemented the first known Chicago Plan/New Deal in 599 BC to relieve farmers in hock to oligarchs enjoying private coinage. He cancelled debts, restituted lands seized by creditors, set floor-prices for commodities (much like Franklin Roosevelt), and consciously flooded the money supply with state-issued "debt-free" coinage.
The Romans sent a delegation to study Solon's reforms 150 years later and copied the ideas, setting up their own fiat money system under Lex Aternia in 454 BC.
It is a myth - innocently propagated by the great Adam Smith - that money developed as a commodity-based or gold-linked means of exchange. Gold was always highly valued, but that is another story. Metal-lovers often conflate the two issues.
Anthropological studies show that social fiat currencies began with the dawn of time. The Spartans banned gold coins, replacing them with iron disks of little intrinsic value. The early Romans used bronze tablets. Their worth was entirely determined by law - a doctrine made explicit by Aristotle in his Ethics - like the dollar, the euro, or sterling today.
Some argue that Rome began to lose its solidarity spirit when it allowed an oligarchy to develop a private silver-based coinage during the Punic Wars. Money slipped control of the Senate. You could call it Rome's shadow banking system. Evidence suggests that it became a machine for elite wealth accumulation.
Unchallenged sovereign or Papal control over currencies persisted through the Middle Ages until England broke the mould in 1666. Benes and Kumhof say this was the start of the boom-bust era.
One might equally say that this opened the way to England's agricultural revolution in the early 18th Century, the industrial revolution soon after, and the greatest economic and technological leap ever seen. But let us not quibble.
The original authors of the Chicago Plan were responding to the Great Depression. They believed it was possible to prevent the social havoc caused by wild swings from boom to bust, and to do so without crimping economic dynamism.
The benign side-effect of their proposals would be a switch from national debt to national surplus, as if by magic. "Because under the Chicago Plan banks have to borrow reserves from the treasury to fully back liabilities, the government acquires a very large asset vis-à-vis banks. Our analysis finds that the government is left with a much lower, in fact negative, net debt burden."
The IMF paper says total liabilities of the US financial system - including shadow banking - are about 200pc of GDP. The new reserve rule would create a windfall. This would be used for a "potentially a very large, buy-back of private debt", perhaps 100pc of GDP.
While Washington would issue much more fiat money, this would not be redeemable. It would be an equity of the commonwealth, not debt.
The key of the Chicago Plan was to separate the "monetary and credit functions" of the banking system. "The quantity of money and the quantity of credit would become completely independent of each other."
Private lenders would no longer be able to create new deposits "ex nihilo". New bank credit would have to be financed by retained earnings.
"The control of credit growth would become much more straightforward because banks would no longer be able, as they are today, to generate their own funding, deposits, in the act of lending, an extraordinary privilege that is not enjoyed by any other type of business," says the IMF paper.
"Rather, banks would become what many erroneously believe them to be today, pure intermediaries that depend on obtaining outside funding before being able to lend."
The US Federal Reserve would take real control over the money supply for the first time, making it easier to manage inflation. It was precisely for this reason that Milton Friedman called for 100pc reserve backing in 1967. Even the great free marketeer implicitly favoured a clamp-down on private money.
The switch would engender a 10pc boost to long-arm economic output. "None of these benefits come at the expense of diminishing the core useful functions of a private financial system."
Simons and Fisher were flying blind in the 1930s. They lacked the modern instruments needed to crunch the numbers, so the IMF team has now done it for them -- using the `DSGE' stochastic model now de rigueur in high economics, loved and hated in equal measure.
The finding is startling. Simons and Fisher understated their claims. It is perhaps possible to confront the banking plutocracy head without endangering the economy.
Benes and Kumhof make large claims. They leave me baffled, to be honest. Readers who want the technical details can make their own judgement by studying the text here.
The IMF duo have supporters. Professor Richard Werner from Southampton University - who coined the term quantitative easing (QE) in the 1990s -- testified to Britain's Vickers Commission that a switch to state-money would have major welfare gains. He was backed by the campaign group Positive Money and the New Economics Foundation.
The theory also has strong critics. Tim Congdon from International Monetary Research says banks are in a sense already being forced to increase reserves by EU rules, Basel III rules, and gold-plated variants in the UK. The effect has been to choke lending to the private sector.
He argues that is the chief reason why the world economy remains stuck in near-slump, and why central banks are having to cushion the shock with QE.
"If you enacted this plan, it would devastate bank profits and cause a massive deflationary disaster. There would have to do `QE squared' to offset it," he said.
The result would be a huge shift in bank balance sheets from private lending to government securities. This happened during World War Two, but that was the anomalous cost of defeating Fascism.
To do this on a permanent basis in peace-time would be to change in the nature of western capitalism. "People wouldn't be able to get money from banks. There would be huge damage to the efficiency of the economy," he said.
Arguably, it would smother freedom and enthrone a Leviathan state. It might be even more irksome in the long run than rule by bankers.
Personally, I am a long way from reaching an conclusion in this extraordinary debate. Let it run, and let us all fight until we flush out the arguments.
One thing is sure. The City of London will have great trouble earning its keep if any variant of the Chicago Plan ever gains wide support.






